Whenever the discussion turns to the Middle East, it becomes complicated, especially when Israel is involved. Even someone with great sympathies for the Jewish state, like myself, should be understanding of this. The situation in Gaza and the West Bank cannot be reduced to simple black-and-white terms. Israel’s security needs and its fear of Palestinian terrorism on one side, and Palestinians’ right to live with dignity on the other, are deeply intertwined. The repeated, unsuccessful attempts to resolve this conflict, which has lasted for over a hundred years, illustrate just how complex the situation is.
It’s no surprise, therefore, that Israel is often criticized as well. For example, I can understand disapproval of settler violence in the West Bank. I also understand that, in light of the horrendous civilian casualties in Gaza, more people are questioning the proportionality of Israel’s actions, even if my military expertise isn’t sufficient to judge.
However, there are some things that are clear, even in the Middle East. The conflict between Israel and Hezbollah is one such case. Israel does not occupy Lebanese territory. It withdrew from the last parts of southern Lebanon, which it occupied after the 1981 war, nearly a quarter century ago. There are no Jewish settlements in Lebanon as there are in the West Bank, no blockade of the country like in Gaza. Israel makes no territorial claims. Two years ago, the two countries even signed an agreement on their shared maritime boundary.
There is thus no reason for Hezbollah to fight its southern neighbor. Yet the radical Islamist militia has harbored hatred for Israel and a determination to destroy it since its inception, in line with its patron and backer, the regime in Iran. For over forty years, Hezbollah has terrorized Israel’s civilian population, bombarded the northern part of the country, and kidnapped soldiers. Their terror is not only directed at Israelis but also at Jews in other countries, as seen in two bombings in Buenos Aires in the 1990s that killed more than 100 people.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, which demands Hezbollah’s withdrawal from the southern area near the Israeli border, has been ignored by the terrorist organization for years, almost since it was passed. At the same time, Hezbollah’s threat potential is much greater than that of Hamas. It possesses an arsenal of 100,000 to 150,000 rockets, some highly advanced, capable of striking any point in Israel. Israel’s missile defense system would be completely overwhelmed by a large-scale rocket barrage from Lebanon.
Immediately after Hamas’s October 7, 2023 massacres of Israeli civilians, Hezbollah began shelling Israel. 60,000 Israelis had to leave their homes in the north of the country and have not been able to return. On July 24, twelve children were killed by a rocket fired by the terrorist organization.
I find it incomprehensible how anyone could demand restraint from Israel in the face of such a threat. Rather, it should be clear to everyone that Israel must defend its civilian population.
Recognizing the threat Hezbollah poses to Israel and Jerusalem’s obligation to protect its people does not, of course, mean that criticism of Israel’s actions is out of bounds. But I am astonished and outraged when, in these discussions, blame is often placed not on the terrorist organization but on the Jewish state. For example, when it is reported in Die Zeit that "Israel has crossed the red lines." Should Israel allow parts of its territory to become uninhabitable because of rocket fire? The same applies to criticism of Israel's choice of tactics. If Israel has a right to self-defense, it’s disingenuous to demand that this be achieved without civilian casualties. While sparing the civilian population is critical, absolute safety for civilians cannot be guaranteed in a war.
This confrontation, let it be said again, has been imposed on Israel by Hezbollah, not the other way around. The standards imposed on Israel for its military actions are simply impossible to meet. Severe airstrikes aimed at eliminating Hezbollah leaders have been criticized, as have the mostly precise demolitions of buildings. Even the usually measured UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, described these demolitions as war crimes, calling them "violence intended to spread terror among the civilian population," even though that was clearly not the aim.
By these standards, it seems only feasible for Mossad to capture each member of Hezbollah individually, much like Adolf Eichmann once was. A side note: the Eichmann abduction was also criticized as a violation of international law at the time, as it took place on the territory of a sovereign state (Argentina). The fact that Argentina had become a haven for former Nazis didn’t matter. Today, no one would likely uphold the earlier criticisms of the kidnapping of the Nazi mass murderer.
It would be ideal if Israel could already count on the support of the global community in its fight against Hezbollah, rather than merely hoping that, decades later, history will once again prove it right.
